# The Anti-Zionist Idea: History, Theory, & Politics II (Marina Magloire and Sahar Aziz) Source: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O8gdzT2ojMs Recap page: https://rapidrecap.app/video/O8gdzT2ojMs --- ## Quick Overview The conference session explored black feminist anti-Zionism as a pedagogical practice and a theory of home, emphasizing its distinct approach to liberation, while also critiquing the dominant legal definition of anti-Semitism for essentializing Jews by conflating Judaism with Zionism, thereby undermining anti-discrimination principles. **Key Points:** - Professor Marina Magloire's research on black feminist anti-Zionism was prompted by events after October 7th, including witnessing students arrested at a Gaza Solidarity Encampment where police visibly singled out black and Muslim people. - June Jordan's 1982 essay "Life After Lebanon" highlighted how her criticism of Zionism as a black woman was dismissed and labeled "anti-semitic and naive and divisive" by white politicians and even some black feminist peers. - Audrey Lord and Barbara Smith initially suppressed Jordan's open letter denouncing Adrienne Rich's Zionist stance, though Lord later referenced Palestinian rights in a 1989 speech. - Black feminist anti-Zionism, as articulated by Magloire, is a "pedagogical practice of bringing others to the knowledge" and a "theory of home" rooted in the historical labor of enslaved black women, demanding justice and a global anti-colonial future. - Sahar Aziz argues that the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) working definition of anti-Semitism is "anti-semitic" because it essentializes Jews by conflating Zionism with Judaism, thereby perpetuating the idea of a monolithic Jewish community. - Aziz demonstrates that applying the IHRA definition's logic consistently, for example, to "Islamophobia" targeting states like Iran or Saudi Arabia, reveals its problematic nature by criminalizing criticism of these nations. - The executive order 13899 issued in 2019, which adopted the IHRA definition, attempts to apply Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 to anti-Semitism by framing it as discrimination based on "race, color, or national origin," despite Title VI not covering religion directly. **Context:** This session, part of "The Anti-Zionist Idea: History, Theory, & Politics II" conference, features two presentations. Professor Marina Magloire from Emory University's Department of English discusses black feminist anti-Zionism, drawing on historical figures like June Jordan and Ethel Miner, and connecting it to contemporary events like the Gaza solidarity encampments. Professor Sahar Aziz from Rutgers Law School provides a legal analysis, critiquing the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of anti-Semitism and its implications for anti-discrimination law, particularly Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Both speakers address the complexities of solidarity, identity, and political alignment within anti-Zionist movements and legal frameworks. ## Detailed Analysis The session features two distinct but related presentations on anti-Zionism. Professor Marina Magloire explores black feminist anti-Zionism, framing it as a "pedagogical practice" and a "theory of home." She begins by recounting her experience witnessing the brutal repression of a Gaza Solidarity Encampment, where black and Muslim students were visibly targeted, drawing parallels to historical repression tactics against black protesters. Magloire analyzes June Jordan's 1982 essay "Life After Lebanon," where Jordan's anti-Zionist stance as a black woman was suppressed and labeled anti-Semitic, even by black feminist peers like Audrey Lord and Barbara Smith, who later shifted their positions. Magloire introduces Donna Olan's concept of "assumptive solidarity," highlighting how solidarity between black and Palestinian peoples is built over time, not assumed, and notes how figures like James Baldwin and Ta-Nehisi Coates initially supported Zionism but later shifted. She critiques Michael Fishbach's "Black Power over Palestine" for overlooking black women's contributions, exemplified by Ethel Miner's instrumental role in SNCC's 1967 pro-Palestine statement. Magloire argues that black feminist anti-Zionism resists co-optation by institutions and views Palestinians as partners in overthrowing oppressive global systems, distinguishing itself through its unique conception of "home" as a future anti-colonial project, not an idealized past or complacent present. She uses Jordan's "big house" metaphor to illustrate the choice between complicity and active resistance. Professor Sahar Aziz then presents a legal argument, asserting that the dominant definition of anti-Semitism, specifically the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) working definition, is "anti-semitic" itself. Aziz explains that anti-discrimination law, particularly Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, rejects the "essentialization" of protected groups as monolithic. She argues that the IHRA definition, adopted by Executive Order 13899, conflates Zionism with Judaism, thereby essentializing a diverse global religious community by assuming homogeneity in their political beliefs regarding Israel. Aziz highlights problematic examples within the IHRA definition, such as "claiming that the existence of the state of Israel is a racist endeavor" or "applying double standards" to Israel, which she argues deny Jewish people their right to self-determination and reject Jewish nationalism. To illustrate the definition's flaws, Aziz proposes an "IRA definition of Islamophobia" that would similarly criminalize criticism of Islamic republics like Iran or Saudi Arabia, demonstrating how such a framework would lead to absurd and discriminatory outcomes if applied consistently. She concludes that the IHRA definition, while intended to combat anti-Semitism, paradoxically reinforces a racist, essentialist view of Jews and is often used in "political bad faith" to suppress criticism of Israel. ### Introduction to Black Feminist Anti-Zionism - Professor Marina Magloire introduces her research, prompted by the brutal repression of a Gaza Solidarity Encampment where black and Muslim students were targeted - She connects this to June Jordan's 1982 essay "Life After Lebanon," where Jordan's anti-Zionist critique was dismissed as anti-Semitic due to her identity as a black woman - Magloire questions why a black woman's opinion on Zionism is so threatening and what it can teach. ### Historical Context of Black Anti-Zionism and Solidarity - Magloire discusses "assumptive solidarity" between black and Palestinian peoples, noting that solidarity is built over time, not inherent - She highlights how some black figures like James Baldwin and Ta-Nehisi Coates initially supported Zionism but later shifted their stances - The black radical tradition, including Malcolm X and SNCC, named Israel as a racist, imperialist, and settler colonial nation, viewing Palestinians as fellow people of color. ### Black Women's Contributions and Suppression - Magloire critiques Michael Fishbach's research for overlooking black women, citing Ethel Miner's instrumental but downplayed role in SNCC's 1967 pro-Palestine statement - She details the suppression of June Jordan's open letter to Adrienne Rich by Audrey Lord and Barbara Smith, who feared a "chasm" between black and Jewish women - Jordan's emphasis on shared political commitments over identity reductionism is highlighted as a core aspect of her anti-Zionism. ### Black Feminist Anti-Zionism as a Theory of Home - Magloire defines black feminist anti-Zionism as a "pedagogical practice" that brings others to knowledge and a "theory of home" rooted in the ancestral labor of black women - She uses Jordan's "big house" metaphor from "Black Folks and Foreign Policy" to illustrate the choice between complicity ("throwing salt") and radical change ("throwing arsenic") - This perspective views home as "yet to be built" in a global anti-colonial future, not in an idealized past or complacent present. ### Critique of the IHRA Definition of Anti-Semitism - Professor Sahar Aziz argues that the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) working definition of anti-Semitism, adopted by a 2019 executive order, is inherently anti-Semitic - She explains that anti-discrimination law rejects "essentialization" of groups, but the IHRA definition essentializes Jews by conflating Zionism with Judaism, assuming a monolithic political belief - Aziz notes that Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits discrimination based on race, color, and national origin, is being misapplied to anti-Semitism through this definition. ### Problematic Examples and Consistent Application - Aziz highlights problematic examples within the IHRA definition, such as claiming Israel's existence is a "racist endeavor" or "applying double standards" to Israel, which she argues deny Jewish self-determination and reject Jewish nationalism - She demonstrates the definition's flaws by proposing an "IRA definition of Islamophobia" that would similarly criminalize criticism of Islamic republics, revealing the inconsistent and discriminatory nature of the IHRA framework - Aziz concludes that the IHRA definition, despite its stated purpose, paradoxically reinforces a racist view of Jews and is often used in "political bad faith."